Holy Roman Empire

London was once again shrouded in a dense fog. As Wilhelm I set foot in this dreamlike city once more, his emotions were markedly different.

The relationship between the British and Prussian royal families was quite amicable. The two were connected through marriage, with Wilhelm I’s son married to Queen Victoria’s daughter.

Wilhelm I’s visit naturally received a high-level reception from the British royal family. However, despite the British hospitality, Wilhelm I felt no warmth.

The reason was apparent as not a single high-ranking official from the British government was present in the welcoming party. It was clear that the British government did not attach much importance to his visit.

In diplomacy, this was a common tactic, a subtle way to convey political positions and exert pressure… It was very effective.

This contrasted sharply with the first Russo-Prussian War when the British government had actively supported Prussia, even to the point of angering the Russians by blockading the Baltic Sea, laying the groundwork for Prussian victory.

Now, the declining Russian Empire no longer posed a threat to Britain’s interests. Instead, two new powers, France and Austria, had emerged as the primary concerns. There was no longer any need to suppress Russia further.

From the perspective of the British government, the Russo-Austrian alliance was already fractured. Allowing the Russian Empire to maintain a certain level of strength could help counterbalance Austria, preventing the Austrians from fully committing to continental dominance. This, in turn, would help maintain the balance of power in Europe.

For the Prussian-Polish Federation to secure British support in the war, there were no exploitable international dynamics. It would have to come down to offering tangible benefits.

The welcome banquet proceeded as planned, attended mostly by nobles. High-level officials from the British government were still absent.

At the Prime Minister’s residence on Downing Street, a cabinet meeting was underway. It wasn’t that the British government was inefficient, rather, Wilhelm I had arrived too quickly.

With the Queen being a figurehead and uninvolved in governance, the British Cabinet wielded significant power, and naturally, its workload was immense.

The new Russo-Prussian War was indeed of concern to the British government, but since the conflict had yet to begin, it hadn’t been given the highest priority.

War was no trifling matter, and under normal circumstances, preparations could take months or even one to two years.

Prime Minister Benjamin said, “Wilhelm I has already arrived, and the Russian Crown Prince will be here next month. We need to make a decision now. For the sake of our country, I hope everyone will analyze the situation rationally and secure the greatest benefits for the Empire.”

The outcome of this Russo-Prussian War was not as critical for the British government as the previous one. Regardless of who emerged victorious, the three-way dominance of the world by the great empires would remain unchanged.

Foreign Secretary Edward added, “The party most concerned about this issue should be Austria. The outcome of the Russo-Prussian War will determine who their future potential rival will be.

A prolonged conflict between Prussia and Russia would actually be a favorable scenario. Now that Austria appears to be allowing the Russo-Prussian War to escalate, it seems the Austrian government is no longer content with the status quo.

In recent years, Austria’s power has grown significantly, particularly in the economic domain where its performance has been remarkable.

Aside from military strength, Austria has now surpassed France in almost every aspect. If the French fail to consolidate their control over Italy for an extended period, the balance of power between France and Austria will inevitably tip in Austria’s favor.”

Currently, France and Austria are Britain’s true adversaries and this has nothing to do with ideology but purely with power. As long as France and Austria possess the strength to threaten Britain, they are the enemies of the British government.

The alliance between Britain, France, and Austria exists solely for their shared interests. With a formal treaty in place, it helps reign in their behavior, reduce colonial conflicts, and save substantial military expenditures.

However, an alliance is just an alliance. Efforts to suppress and limit the strength of France and Austria remain essential. Restricting the power of these two nations has become a core strategy of the British government.

Colonial Secretary Robert stated, “If the French consolidate control over Italy, the balance of power on the European continent will shift as well. This time, it would mean France surpassing Austria.

But this is actually a false dilemma. Whether France overtakes Austria or Austria surpasses France, the gap in their strength won’t widen significantly overnight.

Thus, we have enough time to adjust our strategy. The real question is: in the imminent Russo-Prussian War, whose victory better serves our interests?”

Robert’s confidence in France stemmed largely from the legacy of Napoleon.

The sweeping dominance of Napoleon’s forces across Europe had left a deep impression, and even though the French military had fallen behind in the current wave of military innovation, many still regarded the French army as the strongest in the world.

The performance of the French military during the First Near East War further reinforced this belief. Issues such as slow modernization of weapons and outdated training were conveniently overlooked.

Internationally, it was widely assumed that, all else being equal, the French army possessed the strongest combat capability in the world.

Based on lessons learned from the wars against France, the best way to defeat the French is to spend more money and deploy greater numbers of troops.

The perception that France and Austria are evenly matched is also derived from this understanding. The French army is more elite, while Austria has a larger population and stronger economic power, balancing each other out.

Foreign Secretary Edward said, “The Austrians are deliberately allowing the Prussian-Russian conflict to erupt, clearly aiming for further territorial expansion.

Regardless of who wins this war, the Austrian government will be the biggest winner. Due to geopolitical realities, once Prussia and Russia settle their conflict, no one will be able to hinder Austria’s expansion.

In recent years, France has been plagued by internal political strife. Over the past two years, Napoleon IV has gradually consolidated power, stabilizing the French government.

However, due to conflicting interests, the capitalists who previously supported Napoleon III’s unification of Italy are now opposing the French government and secretly funding Italian independence movements.

With internal instability, the French have lost their ability to keep Austria in check, which is the main reason why the Austrian government dares to allow a war between Prussia and Russia to happen.

To maintain the balance of power in Europe, we must create another adversary for Austria to counterbalance them from behind. Both Prussia and Russia are viable candidates.

In terms of future potential, Russia poses the greater threat. If they win this war, the once-invincible Russian Empire will rise again.

While they may be severely weakened after the war and unable to dominate continental Europe, they will still pose a threat to our interests in Central Asia and the Far East.”

During the reign of Napoleon III, the Italian issue was not particularly severe. With his exceptional political acumen, he managed to suppress some factions while drawing others closer, maintaining overall stability.

However, under Napoleon IV, things changed. During the previous years of internal political strife within the French government, domestic economic development had been neglected.

In particular, flawed economic policies combined the two markets into one. When the markets were opened, the capitalists who had supported unification with France realized they had been deceived.

What appeared to be fair competition turned into economic exploitation of the Italian regions by France.

If this were the only issue, it might have been tolerable, as the main losers were small and medium-sized businesses. Wealthier capitalists could upgrade their equipment to regain competitiveness.

However, both Italy and France shared a common problem: a lack of resources.

To secure resources, capitalists resorted to various means. Unsurprisingly, the French government showed favoritism towards its domestic capitalists when drafting policies.

Over time, resentment built up. Discontented Italian capitalists began manipulating public opinion, inciting anti-French sentiment among the populace in hopes of pressuring the French government to make concessions.

The outcome was predictable. Even if the French government were willing to concede, the French capitalists would never agree.

During the last economic crisis, these tensions were directly ignited. Some capitalists began leaning towards independence, spreading nationalist ideas in the Italian regions.

Dissatisfaction with the French was not limited to capitalists. In fact, local nobles were equally discontented. In the distribution of power within the French government, they had been allocated too little—each person getting too small a ‘plot’ (position or share).

Despite the numerous conflicts, there was no large-scale independence movement in the Italian regions. The reason was simple. Despite various grievances, the standard of living for ordinary people had improved.

The weak local economy wasn’t a major issue, as labor could be exported. Since they were now part of one nation, traveling for work wasn’t a problem.

Compared to Italy, France offered significantly higher wages. This created a win-win situation. Ordinary Italians earned more income, while French capitalists gained access to cheap labor.

Where some rejoice, others despair. Due to labor mobility, the labor costs in Italy doubled in just ten years. This made the capitalists in the region gnash their teeth in frustration.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Balfour asked, “What can the Prussian-Polish Federation offer us? And what can the Russians provide?

Frankly, the benefits these two countries can bring us are minimal. Simply keeping Austria in check doesn’t require our intervention—whoever wins will naturally become Austria’s enemy.

Now, they’re coming to us not so much for international diplomatic support but primarily for financial aid.

The outcome of this war won’t be decided by the quality of the Prussian or Russian armies but by who can raise more funds.

Lending them money is easy, but how do we ensure repayment?

As much as I hate to admit it, we have to recognize that our support will directly determine the war’s outcome.

If we back the wrong side, we’ll lose everything. This is an investment of hundreds of millions of pounds. I oppose making a decision now.”

A single word, money, encapsulated the essence of British diplomacy and immediately silenced Foreign Secretary Edward, who had been inclined to support the Prussian-Polish Federation.

There was no other option as the risks were simply too high. He didn’t even know what guarantees he could demand from the Prussian-Polish Federation to secure these debts.

After a brief moment of deliberation, Prime Minister Benjamin made his decision, “Let’s first gauge Wilhelm I’s position and see what they can offer.

If the Prussian-Polish Federation can secure support from either Austria or France and arrange for them to co-issue war bonds, it might be feasible to help them.”

International debt always carries risks, and even the wealthy John Bull hesitates to gamble with over a hundred million pounds without sharing the risk.

As for supporting the Russians, it wasn’t even on Benjamin’s consideration. The primary issue wasn’t their potential threat but their financial reputation.

Given the credibility of the Russian government, lending money to the Russians would be an act of folly.

Collateral aside, even with signed contracts, defaults are still possible. The Royal Navy’s warships can’t come ashore, and their ability to intimidate the Russians is minimal.