There Is No Schlieffen in the German Empire

18 – The Resurrection of Poland

At the end of the 18th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which had ruled as a strong power in Eastern Europe, disappeared from the map after being divided three times by its neighboring powers.

“To think that the great Commonwealth would perish, how can we accept such a reality!”

“The traitorous Schlahtas sold off our beloved homeland. My homeland still lives in my heart!”

The Poles, who had long enjoyed sovereignty, could not easily accept the fact that their country had disappeared and constantly attempted to regain independence.

“We have Prussia here. Austria is also here. Russia is here too. What can you do? Huh?”

However, they could not overcome the iron grip of the great powers that had divided the Polish territory. Each time they fought, cities were destroyed and countless people paid the price with their lives.

“Oh, my pitiful homeland, my Poland.”

The fact that an independent Polish nation was just an illusion became increasingly clear.

“Yes, it’s time to accept reality. I am a Russian.”

Repeated defeats and endless frustration forced the Poles to accept reality.

Now, many Poles were ready to be satisfied with autonomy or a union with the ruling country through compromise.

However, there were still a considerable number of Poles who held onto the hope for independence that had been passed down through several generations.

Even if they had to pay with blood and tears, they never forgot the urgency to rebuild the Polish nation.

At the center of them all was Józef Klemens Piłsudski.

“The Polish nation is the right of the Polish people. If anyone obstructs that right, they will pay a price.”

As a member of the Polish Socialist Party, he had long dreamed of national independence through armed struggle.

“Death to the oppressors of Russia!”

In 1905, following the Bloody Sunday incident in Russia, he established armed struggle organizations and carried out activities such as assassinations, train and carriage robberies, and attacks on local institutions in an attempt to shake the Russian ruling structure.

“These guys, can they be of any use against Ivan?”

These efforts received attention from Austria, which was already in deep conflict with Russia, and from 1906, they began to cooperate with them in practice.

With the support of Austria, Piłsudski and his comrades raised future officers in preparation for the future confrontation with Russia.

“The opportunity has come. The time for the genius of the Polish nation has arrived!”

Finally, as Austria and Russia clashed, an opportunity arose for Poland to achieve independence.

Piłsudski wanted to have his own government organization and army at this moment.

“What? Government? Army? Have you lost your mind?”

“Austria is in turmoil, what else can we do?”

“For now, let’s calm down. I was reckless.”

Piłsudski was satisfied with the establishment of the Polish Legion and receiving its command, pushed by the voices of the Poles who wanted to compromise with Austria, his sponsor.

But even this was a tremendous progress.

Piłsudski received the order from the Austrian army’s highest commander, Archduke Friedrich, to establish the legion and converted the existing armed organization into regular army units under the Austrian army. The legion was authorized as the Eastern Legion and the Western Legion.

The news of the newly organized contact brought great joy to Piotr Fyodorovich, who was fully immersed in his rubber suit.

Under the approval of the Austrian authorities, Lieutenant Oscar von Preußen, the fifth son of the Kaiser, proposed the contact.

“The Prince of Prussia wants to meet me?”

Piotr Fyodorovich cautiously received the prince.

Although Prussia was a greater enemy of Russia than any other country, it was now the greatest hope for promising the revival of the Polish nation.

But there was also doubt. Austria, and the NKN1) representing them, did not want to acknowledge Piotr Fyodorovich as the representative of Poland and had consistently shown such an attitude.

Moreover, Germany was a country that did not allow the same level of freedom as Austria. They had no reason to support Piotr Fyodorovich, who claimed independence.

Didn’t even Bismarck, who personally had sympathetic views towards Poland, argue that the disappearance of Poland was right for the interests of the Prussian nation?

In this situation, the fact that the prince proposed contact was no different from Prussia implicitly acknowledging Piotr Fyodorovich as the leader of Poland.

There would be many conciliatory factions within the regime, so why would there be a reason to do so?

Piotr Fyodorovich was curious about the reason, but he did not show his doubts on his face. As a seasoned politician who had gone through a long struggle for independence and a life in exile, he was familiar with how to hide his emotions.

But Piotr Fyodorovich couldn’t help but be surprised by the proposal brought forth by Prince Oscar.

“Our Germany wants to discuss the independence of General and Poland.”

The prince made it clear that if Piotr Fyodorovich refused the conditions, he would engage in dialogue with the NKN.

“Very well. Let’s hear it for now.”

The German-Austrian proposal that Piotr Fyodorovich heard was as follows:

Both countries are prepared to accept the independence of Poland under the following conditions:

1. Permanently renounce the claims to the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth territories belonging to Austria and Germany.

This includes renouncing the voluntary integration movement with the Polish community existing within the territories of both countries.

The territory of Poland will be based on the territory of the Polish Kingdom ruled by Russia.

2. The eastern border of the Polish state is determined by the agreement between Germany and Austria. However, considering Poland’s contribution to the war, additional territory can be allocated.

For Poland, which had no qualifications for post-war negotiations, it was an inevitable reality. Nevertheless, the fact that there was room for border adjustments gave a sense of relief.

3. During the war, the Polish military is under the control of the allied forces. No exceptions are allowed for any paramilitary organization, including the militia.

This revealed the true reason why Germany and Austria proposed independence.

The Kaiser’s true intention was undoubtedly to use Poland as a source of the necessary material and human resources for the war, taking the example of the Duchy of Warsaw, which served the interests of Napoleon Bonaparte.

Piusutsky felt uncomfortable with the intention of using the Poles as a meat shield, but anyway, the newly established Polish Legion was also under the control of the Austrian army.

At least here, they were considered nominal members of the allied forces.

‘It’s cruel to accept, but it’s regrettable to refuse.’

With the opportunity given to the NKN belonging to Austria if the proposal is rejected, there was no room for choice.

Only after thinking this far did Piusutsky realize why Germany had come to him.

‘Germany didn’t want to make the new Poland a country strongly influenced by Austria.’

Otherwise, they would have presented the much more obedient and cooperative NKN as part of the alliance.

‘Austria compromised because they thought they could exert at least a minimum of influence through the Austrian officer corps within the Polish Legion.’

Their calculations were clear.

‘Anyway, it’s not a bad story for me. It may be regrettable for the NKN, but we can’t entrust a new country to compromisers.’

Piusutsky accepted the conditions from the prince.

“Of course, we won’t just make demands. We will organize a Polish army of 100,000 within this year and entrust it to the general.”

It was a heartwarming story for Piusutsky.

To formalize the alliance, the prince promised to allow Piusutsky to establish a government organization as soon as he entered Russian territory.

National approval and formalization of the treaty were also planned to be pursued at that time.

Piusutski signed the agreement and the prince stamped it.

With this, a blueprint for a new Polish state emerged, excluding the NKN.

“No, wasn’t it us, the NKN, who represented the Polish people?”

Realizing this fact belatedly, Bwadisław Ścikorski, the military commander of the NKN Western District, protested to Prince Friedrich on behalf of the NKN, but nothing changed.

“The NKN is part of Austria, and Piusutski is a separate issue.”

Prince Friedrich dismissed their protest.

“Now Piusutski is representing our Polish people. The National Democratic Party is already showing signs of supporting Piusutski.”

Juliusz Leo, the leader of the NKN, did not hide his despair.

It was true that many Poles had been disappointed with the NKN’s policy of compromise, but Galicia’s Polish people still firmly supported them, knowing that there was no alternative to replace them.

However, with Piusutski gaining approval from the Allies and qualifying to establish an official government, the Polish people now had two choices.

To support compromise or to hope for an independent nation-building.

The pro-independence factions had already begun to rally around Piusutski.

“The Polish nation is the homeland of the Polish people!”

The Polish forces, armed and ready, pledged loyalty to Piusutski’s government, and even the compromising Poles were trying to join Piusutski’s camp.

To stop this tide, the NKN’s slogan had no power.

“Let’s propose negotiations to Piusutski. He is in a desperate position without our NKN’s administrative network and funds, isn’t he?”

“Even without us, he has gained Germany’s support. Right now, he can draw resources from the Polish people in the former Poznań Kingdom region. Why should we talk to him? He even obstructed the government formation we dreamed of.”

The leaders of the NKN did not hide their complicated expressions.

Dreaming of independence for the homeland? It wasn’t necessarily a bad thing.

But from the perspective of the NKN, they couldn’t affirm that.

NKN sought to absorb Russian-controlled Poland into Austria and gain a position similar to Hungary, with its own independent parliament and government, by means of this war.

Their goal was to stand tall as a great power, rather than a small country that is trampled upon by its neighboring nations.

That was the plan, at least.

The tide turned in favor of Pyotr Piotrovsky.

Now, NKN had no choice but to be drawn towards him.

“A Polish nation.”

The existence of their homeland, which seemed like an illusion, was somehow within reach.

* * *

1) The Supreme National Committee of Galicia, a Polish territory under Austrian control. Before the First World War, it effectively served as the Polish government.