There Is No Schlieffen in the German Empire

9 – Episode 9: Eastern Information Bureau

After the war, the main mission of German diplomats was to isolate hostile countries and secure friendly ones. The traditional bureaucrats preferred to elegantly handle their assigned tasks in social gatherings.

However, there were quite a few who believed that covert operations were more effective than conventional diplomacy, just as surprise attacks were more entertaining than direct confrontations in war. They were the conspirators who conspired for the sake of Deputy Foreign Minister Chimerman.

Because I also preferred clandestine operations under the surface rather than formal diplomacy with little results, I established the Eastern Information Bureau to oversee covert operations in the Middle East.

The Eastern Information Bureau had three committees composed of oriental people under its jurisdiction (the Indian Independence Committee, the Berlin Persian Committee, and the Georgia Independence Committee), prepared to support systematic covert operations in the Orient. The information collected on-site could be transmitted to Berlin through the “Newsroom” commanded by Richard von Coolman in Constantinople.

They also paid attention to covert operations in neutral countries and prepared translation facilities in major cities such as Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Belgium to translate German propaganda into more than 20 languages.

This vast intelligence organization was not appearing for the first time. In the previous chapter, the Eastern Information Bureau was established slightly later and played a role in systematizing and commanding Germany’s comprehensive covert operations, including the Hindustan conspiracy.

The only difference was that the establishment and system construction were slightly faster this time.

The gentle afternoon mountain breeze tickled his hair. As he slowly turned the pages, he began to see the reports containing new information.

As soon as I took out the report that came from the Japanese Embassy in Tokyo, I frowned.

“Something feels fishy. The military has taken control?”

The latest news from Japan was completely different from what I had experienced before. Since Britain did not participate in the war, they were bound to be influenced, but it was a bit excessive.

Okuma Shigenobu, who was supposed to lay the foundation of the Dai Nippon Democracy by gradually imposing civilian control, had failed, and Foreign Minister Kato had taken his place. On the surface, it seemed like a good picture for us, with the moderate Kato as the Prime Minister, but the reality was far from it.

The main Japanese diplomat responsible for the Japanese issue, Arthur Alexander Caspar von Rex, mentioned the possibility of the rise of the Japanese military in his report. His outlook was that after the military confronted the government and the cabinet collapsed, the military’s influence would increase.

Is it advantageous for us if the Japanese military becomes stronger?

It was not.

Considering the bellicosity of Josch von Benberg, who was leading the Japanese military, there was a possibility of unexpected actions.

For example, while the European powers were preoccupied with war, Japan could have been plotting to expand its influence and seize territory in Manchuria.

Even the more moderate Japanese government, compared to the military, showed ambition to expand their rights in China using the pretext of a major war. It goes without saying that the military, which was even more hardline and aggressive, had the same intentions.

Perhaps they could have had even greater ambitions, aiming for our rights in the Pacific and China. Our territories, including the Mariana Islands in the western Pacific, were strategically important for the Empire of Japan to protect against threats from the ocean.

The same applied to our rights in Shandong. By combining Germany’s rights in Shandong and the existing rights in southern Manchuria, we could have gained a strong foothold that could strangle China. Japan, which considered China as its expansion target, couldn’t help but salivate at the thought.

“What if Japan makes a deal with the negotiating party and then gets involved in the war? It would be quite a difficult situation.”

I calculated that Japan would not intervene in the war in this round, where Britain did not participate. Since there were no conditions like the Japan-UK Alliance that would bind them to participate, and Japan, which had not yet escaped from the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, had no reason to break its neutrality.

However, the political situation in Japan had changed, so I needed to rethink from scratch. The Japanese military was like an unrestrained pig. If those bastards saw us as delicious prey, it was only a matter of time before they would participate in the war.

“If Japan turns into an enemy, we won’t be able to maintain control over the islands in the Pacific and our relationship with China. Absolutely not.”

Even if I wanted to protect them, I couldn’t.

Japan had overwhelmingly superior naval and military power that could be mobilized in the Pacific. It would be fortunate if we could escape with our meager naval power in the Eastern Fleet.

The army? Could we play a game with Japan, which could easily land over 100,000 troops with less than 4,000 marine forces?

“China will also be under pressure from nearby Japan and Russia, so they will come out hostile towards us.”

The more I thought about it, the more wrinkled my forehead became.

“Even various ethnic groups and independence activists who think of Japan as a symbol of enlightened Asia will come out hostile towards us. It’s also a problem that the balance we are struggling to achieve in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean extends beyond our control.”

If we turned Japan into an enemy, we would have to bear significant strategic losses, including unseen areas. The reason why the Japan-UK Alliance was as useless as “X” was because of the geopolitical position Japan had taken.

Looking at it this way, it wasn’t a problem that could be taken lightly just because the current situation was favorable.

“We must prepare a countermeasure.”

If Japan doesn’t participate, it wouldn’t matter, but we couldn’t just sit back once the possibility arose. We needed a card to tie their hands as much as possible when Japan starts playing around.

I picked up the telephone receiver immediately.

“I am the Director of the Eastern Bureau.”

“There is something urgent that needs to be prepared at the Eastern Bureau.”

“Please give me your orders.”

“Prepare the Korean Provisional Government within the Bureau as soon as possible.”

At this point in time, the March 1st Movement itself had not yet occurred, so there was no Korean Provisional Government in existence. Ironically, the Korean Provisional Government, which had reluctantly been recognized by China as a military family, would have a better chance of being recognized by Germany, a much stronger ally than China. Of course, this was under the assumption that they would support independence.

“Do you intend to support Korea’s independence?”

Offenheimer asked.

“It depends on the situation.”

I had no intention of nailing down this part. Considering my identity as a Korean university student, it would be right to help Korea’s independence, but this was all just a game. In a situation where escaping from this damn game was the main objective, I couldn’t make national policies for temporary satisfaction. What mattered was that I won, not whether Korea in the game won.

“We will discuss with the Foreign Ministry and organize a group of Korean students studying abroad.”

After carefully choosing my words for a moment, I presented my demands.

“And prepare to incorporate as many Korean organizations in the United States and China as possible. In the event of a similar situation, we need to organize and systematize the armed resistance of Koreans centered around the Korean Provisional Government.”

The Director must have realized from the mention of a similar situation that I was considering the possibility of war with Japan. Even if I fought like hell, I had to be prepared to fend off Japan if they wanted a fight.

After giving a few more instructions, I hung up the receiver.

For now, Korea is the first pawn.

The second is the Chinese market.

“We need to publicize the true nature of Japan’s invasion of China, systematize the boycott movement against Japan, and pressure the Chinese government to put pressure on itself.”

Except for matters of life and death, Japanese products had no competitiveness in the Western market. For this reason, the Japanese economy relied on exports to Korea, Taiwan, China, and nearby Southeast Asia. Among them, the largest market was China. Even in modern times, if the Chinese market suffered a blow, Japan would suffer tremendous damage, let alone in this era.

If we squeezed the Chinese market, Japan would inevitably feel suffocated.

If the Chinese government did not cooperate properly, we would face significant obstacles in occupying the German concessions in China.

Of course, all these measures would only serve to hinder Japan, but we were able to delay the impact of the Japanese military on our battlefield as much as possible.

I had considered the possibility of economic destruction.

In preparation for the war with Britain, our navy had always operated under the assumption of economic warfare. The situation of competing for control of the sea and displaying our military might leisurely, as we were now, was a rare sight in our previous plans.

So if Japan were to act aggressively, we would return to our original strategy and release cruisers and armed merchant ships into the Pacific and Indian Oceans, where Japan used to roam freely.

Whether they liked it or not, we had to teach them that they would shed blood if they touched us, so that they would not even think of touching us in the future.